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The odds against the Igbo presidency

Since the return of democracy, in every election cycle, the term Igbo presidency resurfaces. In 1999, the Igbo political front runners were very ready and prepared to lead the nation into the next century. That readiness was felt across the country. The then military leadership decided to placate the Yoruba for the “June 12” wrong done on them.

On June 12 in 1993, presidential election was held in Nigeria after eight years of military rule. The election was conducted by Prof. Humphrey Nwosu who was the Chairman of the National Electoral Commission. The election was recognized as the fairest, freest and most peaceful election in Nigeria. Nigerians trooped out irrespective of the Muslim-Muslim ticket of Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola and his running mate Babagana Kingibe. The results were never released but unofficial results indicated that Abiola was the winner.

Abiola was a businessman, politician and aristocrat from Yoruba land. Despite the popularity of Abiola and his supposed winning, then military head of state General Ibrahim Babangida annulled the election, justified as necessary to save the nation. Babangida decreed, “these steps were taken to save our judiciary from being ridiculed and politicized locally and internationally.” The election results had been delayed by legal challenges which also restrained the National Electoral Commission from releasing the final election results.

The annulment of the election did not go well with the South-west. There were protests, breakdown of law and order and a crisis which threatened the foundation of the country. Advocates over the years pressured the military leadership to hand over civilian rule which eventually was handed over to the Yoruba/South-west in 1999. Equity and justice demanded that power returned to the South-west. Equity and justice demand that power goes to the South-east. The South-east has become persistent in this demand.

In the South-east, there are many eminent and qualified people with sound education and experience that can lead Nigeria away from the route of perdition. When it comes to academic qualifications or ability to govern, Igbo people are ready to field several qualified candidates to the post of the president. Because of this sea of qualified candidates, the Nigerian people always say Ndigbo are not unified. It is always Ndigbo that other Nigerians ask for competency and other non-existent conditions before he or she is accepted and yet, such conditions are not asked of other people. It is only the South-east that the rest of Nigeria put forth conditions in order for them to be seen as worthy, yet, such conditions are not required for other zones but, nevertheless; it is known that the South-east can deliver beyond what we now experience in the country.

Since 2015, we have witnessed what incompetence has looked like. Corruption is high, insecurity is high with killings at every corner of the country. Kidnapping of students has become a go-to for the bandits and cows’ affairs took prominence ahead of human beings. Poverty is high and the economy has been performing low. We have been in and out of recession and the administration seems lost as to how to solve the myriad of issues that are affecting Nigerians.

As these are the realities of the time, it is in the best interest of the nation for an Igbo president who knows how to build from down to top to take over the buildup of the economy of the country so as to lift Nigerian people from the throes of poverty and insecurity, and to get them to participate in economic activities.

While at that, there are odds against the Igbo presidency.

1. What pulls Nigerians together is when the subject is Igbo. It is obvious that some politicians from other regions and zones have voiced support but will they sustain that support when the time comes? Will they find reasons to stop Igbo president just like in 1999 when former Vice President, Dr. Alex Ekwueme was ascending with great momentum to clinch the primary but lost to President Olusegun Obasanjo or Dr. Ogbonnaya Onu that stepped down after winning the APP primary after a merger between APP and AD that handed the party’s candidacy to Chief Olu Falae? These were done in the interest of the Yoruba. Can such intervention be done in the interest of justice to the Igbo people? More so, there is constant fear by other ethnic nationalities, of domination by Ndigbo; a general feeling for the hard work and love for merit, a culture loathed by other Nigerians who mistake it as a quest for dominance.

2. Disagreement between political elites and the man on the street.
Getting the seat of the presidency may be very important to the Igbo political elites but is it the priority of the Igbo man on the street? It may be for psychological healing and to put an end to the political and systemic marginalization of the people. Have the elites tried to close the gap?

3. Lack of awareness and why the Igbo people will buy into it.
The Igbo man on the street may view the quest as the priority of the politicians who may want to pat themselves on the back and continue in their pursuit for individual interest other than the interest of the people. The feeling of the people is that the politicians look out for themselves therefore it may not be a priority for them to have the presidency. The political elites have done less in sensitizing the people and to get them on board on the importance and the need to buy into the project of Igbo presidency.

4. Lack of voters’ cards.
Before we talk of Igbo presidency, the political elites must ensure a massive sensitization to get at least 90% of the South-east votes and for that to happen, there has to be massive voters’ registration and collection of voter cards. Igbo people are known for voting apathy and low participation in electoral processes probably because they are emotionally cut off from the process. To avoid “Ofe Nsala” day, the leaders must embark on sensitization for the people to see this as their own.

5. Out of state voters.
A lot of people registered in other states of residence and not in the South-east. The leaders have to ensure that voting demographics are changed to boost the support base for the president. For instance, Anambra should not have about 2 million registered voters and accredit about 700,000 voters when they are approximately 10 million in population. There must be voter education and repatriation of out of state voters in order to correct this.

6. Calls for Self-determination
Many Ndigbo no longer see Nigeria as their country. They have emotionally and psychologically alienated themselves from Nigeria and have regarded the country as a “zoo.” Unfortunately, the number of the people with the mindset seem to have grown, and this may affect the turn-out and participation in the process.

7. Division according to political parties
Other zones work together irrespective of their political parties. They rather work closely for the interest of their people. The South-east doesn’t always work that closely. In fact, they choose which political party to love and another to hate. The leaders must ensure the people are adequately involved in many political parties to fight for the interest of the Igbo people. When there is hate for the political parties, it extends to those who identify with them. Because of the hatred, people who may have solutions are relegated and as such bring the division home.

8. The saboteurs must be resisted.
There are those who work against the interest of the Igbo people. Their personal ambition and interest are their ultimate goal. These sets of people must be resisted, exposed and marginalized. The group interest should be a priority for all.

Igbo leaders and political elites have to be people oriented and demonstratively so. There are many reasons for no love lost between them and the people and the ‘federal establishment’ knows this and lack of the people’s support may be a clog on their wheel to Igbo presidency.

 

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